traders and warriors--7/22/25

22 Jul 2025

traders and warriors--7/22/25

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Today's selection-- from A Mighty Empire by Marc Egnal. By 1732, colonial New York stood split in two: fierce expansionists led by the Livingstons and Morrises clashing with cautious, conservative families like the Delanceys and Philipses—rivals whose conflict would shape the province until Independence.

“‘All the province was already divided into two parties,’ remarked William Smith, Jr., in his discussion of New York at the time of Governor William Cosby's accession in 1732. Smith was a highly qualified, if at times partisan, observer of factional struggles. A Yale graduate, lawyer, historian, and active politician, he was born in 1728, the son of another lawyer-politician. He and his father well understood the New York political factions, which were firmly established by the 1730s. In fact, these groups emerged in the second decade of the century and were to be remarkably long-lived, continuing until independence. The expansionists, a party that embraced the Livingstons, Morrises, and Smiths, aggressively defended the colony's interests against a series of external enemies. The nonexpansionist faction, which included such families as the DeLanceys and Philipses, hewed to a more guarded view of colonial growth and eschewed all daring plans to enlarge provincial sovereignty.

“The parties that appeared in the late 1710s in New York were shaped primarily by geography and secondarily by religion. For the expansionist faction the firmest pillars of support were the manor lords of the upper Hudson—-more particularly, the Livingstons, Van Rensselaers, and Beekmans. These men, living near the lengthy, ex posed frontier of New York, realized, as one 1735 petition pronounced, that ‘their estates would not be near the value they bear at present’ if New France and its Indian allies were left unchecked. Standing first among these great clans were the Livingstons, a family that controlled fiefdoms in both Albany and Dutchess counties and claimed prominent scions in the merchant community of the capital and in the provincial bar. Their political power began with Livingston Manor, which, like Rensselaerswyck, had its own delegate in the twenty-seven-seat legislature. Furthermore, the Livingstons influenced the selection of Albany County's two representatives and were, along with the Beekmans, a potent voice in Dutchess County affairs. Another wealthy Albany County family, the Schuylers, did not enter the expansionist camp until the 1730s and 1740s. The Schuylers, like the Livingstons, were lords of a sprawling northern barony, but they were also involved in a quasi-illicit trade with Montreal. This commerce, in which English manufactures were exchanged for French peltries, depended on pacific relations with New France. Those involved in this lucrative trade thus were tugged by a strong cord, and usually tied firmly to the nonexpansionist faction. The Schuylers' partisan allegiances, however, changed between 1720 and 1750 as their interests shifted from the Canada trade to the development of their frontier holdings.

Livingston family coat of arms

“The party of the Livingstons and Beekmans could also claim important adherents in other parts of the colony, though its strength was less considerable outside the Hudson Valley. A portion of the New York City elite, particularly such lawyers as James Alexander and William Smith, Sr., and his son, followed the manor lords' lead (and frequently handled their litigation). Some city merchants, if usually a minority of the importing community, stood with the expansionists, and many of the artisans and tradesmen backed the party at the polls and, on occasion, with demonstrations ‘out of doors.’ In Westchester County, a nonexpansionist bastion, Livingston's party had the unwavering support of the Morris family. During the 1730s and early 1740s, Lewis Morris, Sr., along with his son and namesake, were unrivaled leaders of the faction. The elder Morris's career had begun in New Jersey, where he worked for the gubernatorial appoint ment of Andrew Hamilton, an able defender of Britain's larger goals, and his worldly progress continued in New York, where he became the protege of another. imperial-minded governor, Robert Hunter. Regular electoral battles in Westchester County against the Philipse family deepened Morris's commitment to the expansionists.

“ The nonexpansionist faction drew its strength from the southern tier of counties, as well as New York City and the town of Albany. Long Island and Staten Island politicians, who grumbled about expenditures for the frontier, usually sided with this party, and as early as 1717 Samuel Mulford complained that the taxes extracted from Long Island were being wasted on fortifications ‘up the river.’ Westchester County, home of the powerful Philipse family, leaned toward the nonexpansionists, as did the west Hudson county of Or ange. During the revolutionary era, however, there would be a significant defection from party ranks on Long Island. The large New England population in Suffolk County responded sympathetically to events in Massachusetts and Connecticut and helped swing the eastern end of Long Island into the patriot camp.

“Politicians in the two principal towns of the colony also played an important role in the nonexpansionist party. Adherents in New York City included many of the merchants, particularly those individuals like the DeLanceys and Philipses involved in the overland trade with Canada. Support from a large segment of the capital's enfranchised citizenry made for frequent victories in local elections. In Albany the handlers, or great merchants, depended on exchanges with the French and were confirmed nonexpansionists; however, Albany, un like New York City, Schenectady, and the borough of Westchester, claimed no representatives in the assembly, and the town's burghers were rarely able to dictate the choice of delegates for Albany County.

“Religion played a subordinate role in shaping party lines. Anglicans, who made up about 10 percent of the population but were important beyond their numbers, tended to support the Philipse DeLancey group, swelling its strength in the capital and adjacent counties. The majority of dissenters probably leaned toward the expansionists, but their partisan loyalties were less uniform than the Anglicans'. Dissenters in Albany County and in the capital usually voted for the faction of the Morrises and Livingstons, and those on Long Island generally remained in the nonexpansionist camp. Religious questions, however, could easily become partisan ones. Dur ing the 1750s, in the battle over King's College most nonexpan sionists campaigned for the Anglican institution while most expan sionists denounced the school, and there was at least a grain of sub stance to the assertion—-often heard after 1763—that the two factions might be labeled ‘church’ and ‘dissenter.’

Finally, there were two prominent New Yorkers—-Cadwallader Colden and Sir William Johnson—who stood apart from both factions and evinced instead the outlook of British imperialists. Colden was born in Scotland, received the degree of A.B. from the University of Edinburgh, and studied medicine in London. By 1718 he had settled in New York and soon was appointed the colony surveyor-general and a member of council. Later he would become lieutenant governor and then acting governor, and a loyalist. Colden wanted the empire to grow, but always under London's firm guidance. Before 1763 he often applauded the expansionists' initiatives but drew back when he sniffed any challenge to British prerogative. In that light he explained to James Alexander his quiescence in the political struggles of the 1730s: ‘I cannot see how any remedy can probably be had here without in effect destroying the design of the King's giving this authority [to the governor].’

“William Johnson, whose concern for British interests was similar to Colden's, was born in Ireland and came to New York in 1738 to manage an estate belonging to his uncle, Vice Admiral Sir Peter War ren. Johnson settled on the frontier west of Albany, where he became a prominent landowner and helped oversee Indian relations. Like Colden, Johnson often cooperated with the expansionists before 1763, leading colonial forces against the French and Indians during both midcentury wars. But Johnson resented the criticism the colonists directed at the royal executives, and in the late 1740s he became, along with Colden, one of Governor Clinton's few allies. The Crown, grateful for Johnson\s services, made him a baronet in 1755 and superintendent for Indian affairs in 1756. After 1763 Sir William was an obdurate and outspoken supporter of British policies and was particularly determined to keep the colonists out of the trans-Appalachian region."